The Barry Chamish Website

'THE BIOGRAPHY OF BENJAMIN NETANYAHU'
by Barry Chamish

September 5, 2010

FROM THE FILES:
In 1976, the loss of his brother Yoni during the Entebbe raid put a
stop to Binyamin's plans to become an architect. Instead he settled for an MA
in business administration and took a post at the Boston Consulting
Group. His boss was Ira Magaziner, the man who later was the
intellectual force behind the Clinton administration's failed health
reform package.

Already earning $100,000 and with a splendid career before him,
Netanyahu decided to give it all up and return to Israel to act as the
marketing manager of a furniture concern, RIM Furniture, for a fraction
of his Boston salary. 

In 1979, Netanyahu organized an anti-terrorism conference in Jerusalem,
dedicated to his fallen brother. Somehow, the unknown 27 year old,
managed to attract the likes of CIA Director George Bush, and Council 
On Foreign Relations (CFR)executives George Shultz, and Richard Perle 
(President's Reagan's chief arms negotiator) to the meeting and was 
thrust briefly onto the world stage. But when the conference ended, 
it was back to work at the furniture factory.

That all changed in 1982, when Israel's Washington Ambassador Moshe
Arens invited Netanyahu to be his deputy. This unprecedented career
rise has been a subject of much speculation. Arens was forced to
explain, "People got a good laugh when they heard I phoned a
furniture factory to find a deputy. What sold me on Bibi was his
organization of the anti-terror conference and the strong impression he
made on American leaders who participated."

    In the 2001 CFR annual report, Moshe Arens was listed
as a member of the CFR's Foreign Advisory Committee, followed, in
alphabetical order, by the PLO's Hanan Ashrawi. He admitted that Bush,
Shultz and Perle pressed him to advance Netanyahu's career and he fell in
line.

In 1984, after two visibly successful years as Arens' deputy, Bibi was
named Israel's ambassador to the UN. In another of those ironies that
follow him, he was appointed to the post by Shimon Peres against the
objections of Yitzhak Shamir. It was the leader of the Labour
Party who promoted his early career.
    And what a wise investment that turned out to be. Since putting Netanyahu in the Prime Minister's office, no matter how badly Labor was mauled in the polls, the
leader of the Likud or its offspring Kadima, would give the leader
of Labor, a vital cabinet Post. Ehud Barak is now Defence Minister though
Labor only won 8% of the vote. Sharon made Shimon Peres his Foreign
Minister, while Ehud Olmert appointed the incompetent Amir Peretz as his
Defence Minister.
In 1985, Shultz chaired another anti-terror convention in Washington supposedly organized by Netanyahu. 
Further,whenever George Bush visited New York, and that was often,
he would call on UN Ambassador Netanyahu.
        I received the following information from the CFR Roundtable website. (For info write: TomJefferson1976@aim.com):

    I took a look at my list of CFR members. I have
Netanyahu listed as NETANYAHU BENJAMIN,, 1988 annual rpt. I do not have
him as a member of the CFR but he did show up in the 1988 annual report.
Perle first showed up on the 1992 membership list. PERLE RICHARD N,CFR
'92. Kissinger shows up a KISSINGER HENRY A,CFR '84, 1988 annual rpt, TC
'92. TC is the Trilateral commission.
It seems that both Netanyahu and Kissinger showed up in the 1988 annual
report. Bush Sr. was head of the CIA. Perle was chairman of the Defense
Policy Board under Bush. Ira Magaziner has close CFR connections. He was
a Rhodes Scholar and was a chief health care policy advisor for CFR
member Bill Clinton.
Having groomed and financed Netanyahu into office, the CFR made certain
his tenure as head of the opposition did not endanger the Oslo process.
Though Netanyahu had the goods and scandals to fell Labor, ie Peres' organization
of the Rabin assassination, he was a remarkably restrained opposition leader.
In September 1995, PM Rabin told what he thought was a funny story on
Israel Television One. It seems his CFR handler, Henry Kissinger phoned him
to relate that Netanyahu called to ask him to declare that American troops
would not be placed on the Golan Heights as part of a peace deal with Syria.
Who Kissinger was supposed to make this declaration to was not revealed.
Kissinger, according to Rabin, laughed at Bibi and told him to quit
bothering him. The next day Netanyahu confirmed his phone call but denied
Rabin's mocking version of it.
   
     The moral of the story is that both the leader of the government and opposition got their commands from their same CFR officer. When most Israelis vote, they actually believe it is a personal lesson in democracy. They don't even consider that the timing of the election and the primary candidates for office, Left and Right, are run out of the New York office of the CFR.
Early in 2001, Binyamin Netanyahu was in the midst of a lucrative speaking tour when he shared a private meeting with George Shultz and Henry Kissinger. In Netanyahu's
own words, they told him it was time for elections in Israel. In fact, it wasn't. They weren't scheduled for another two years. Nonetheless, Netanyahu interrupted his tour, caught the
first plane back to Israel, had a few words with Prime Minister Ehud Barak, and caught the next plane back to New York. Two days later, Barak resigned as Prime  Minister and called for new elections in which he would remain a candidate. It made no sense to Israelis who had no power over their electoral system; that was controlled from New York.

    The timing of elections is to badly change the viability of Israel and quickly, while the new Prime Minister is immune from public revolt. In 1992, Rabin entered the Oslo process immediately after his election. In 1996, Netanyahu unilaterally pulled out of Hebron within days of forming a government. In 1999, the new PM Ehud Barak quickly ordered IDF troops out of Southern Lebanon, leaving the mostly Christian ally, the South Lebanese Army, helpless against retaliation. In 2001, a Right Winger would have to replace Barak to get Israel out of Gaza and Northern Samaria. Ariel Sharon was the man for the job.

     But wait, you may ask! Wasn't Sharon ruined by ordering Falangist troops into their famed massacre at Sabra and Shatilla in 1982. Not at all. Once you have the CFR on your side, nothing will ever ruin your political career. Even Rabin's murderer Shimon Peres survived all indignities and is PM Netanyahu's President. But all is fair since, after all, Netanyahu got his
job by blackmailing Peres over the Rabin murder in 1996. (Scroll to the end for proof).

     Will Israelis ever wake up and understand that they don't live in a democracy? Will they finally realize that the current PM Binyamin Netanyahu is not working in their interests but electing someone else will change nothing? Or that no common citizen can ever be Prime Minister. For that honor, you are chosen, financed and aided from the Manhattan headquarters of the CFR or you go on selling fish in the market.

end

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Addendum:

 THE DAY NETANYAHU USED MURDER TO BECOME PRIME MINISTER
 http://thebarrychamishwebsite.com/newsletters/rigged.htm
                                     by Barry Chamish

          I was on court, front and center, for the rigging of the 1996 Israeli elections by Netanyahu. Now follow closely, I rarely have the opportunity to be nostalgic.

         On April 3, 1997, I was supposed to lecture at Hebrew University on Who Murdered Yitzhak Rabin, organized by my still formidable friend, Brian Bunn. As it turned out, the Labor Party led by Knesset member Eitan Cabel, and the secret service, Shabak, organized a violent rally against me that turned me into front page news. The intent was to humiliate me, the result was to start my new career as a political crimes writer. Not that I'm thanking them. They didn't mean to and it's an insecure life. Not that there aren't rewards, like you reading this.
 
        The morning after the riot, I received a phone call from Yaacov Mor. He introduced himself as, "The economist for the Minister of Welfare And Social Affairs, Eli Yishai." Today Yishai is the leader of the Shas Party. Mor continued, "But I previously worked for the Shabak. What I want to know is what you have that made the Shabak try to bury you."

         So I invited Mor to my home to see my evidence. Back then I had some 80 documents, not the 2500 I ended up with, but they were devastating in proving Yigal Amir did not shoot Rabin. I had the police ballistics results showing that Rabin was shot at point blank, something Amir could not have physically done, and I had the hospital reports declaring that Rabin was shot 3 times, and once from the front, neither of which Amir was responsible for.

         Yaacov was a naturally sympathetic fellow, and without hesitation I handed him my evidence collection, which he read in silence over the next half hour. When he finished, he put his right index finger vertically over his lips and used his left hand to guide me outside. When we reached the street, he said, "I'm not talking in your house. You have to be thoroughly bugged. Do you know those documents are authentic?"

          I said I did.

          "Then why didn't you get a job in Nepal or have an 'accident?' Do you know how high up this murder had to go?"

          I answered that I did know how high up it had to go.

         "I'll tell my Minister what I saw and I'm sure he'll contact you."

         The next morning Eli Yishai's secretary called me. "Minister Yishai would like to have your documents and in return, will give you the most important story of the Rabin assassination. Do you agree?"

          Indeed I did. In fact, I would have given the documents anyway, that's how much I still believed in the inherent honesty of the political system. That would change for good in the next two days.

          Bright and chipper, Yaacov picked me up for the cheery ride to building Kirya 3, opposite the Knesset, and home to Eli Yishai's office. I made a little error, giving my documents to the secretary before I closed the deal. She guided me into a small office, closed the door, and I heard a vigorous conversation in the hall outside. Finally, the Shas Spokesman, Yisrael Sudri, then 24 or so, and today I believe he holds the same job, came in, shut the door behind him and sat down.

          "The Minister could not attend the meeting," he announced, "But he wants you to know that he backs every claim I will make."

          A bit of a comedown but I accepted the arrangement, like I really had a choice.

          "It's about the 1996 elections...Netanyahu didn't win. Peres won by 3% just like all the polls had it. But the Likud had documents, and we think you've collected some of them. We're sure of it, actually. In February of '96, the leaders of the Likud met the leaders of Labor for a frank discussion of the elections. The Likud presented the documents, then someone, we think Netanyahu, held a few in his hand and said, 'If you bring up the name of Yitzhak Rabin even once in your campaign, we'll release these to the media." Netanyahu lifted another bundle of documents and said, 'If Peres wins our tv debate, we'll release these." Finally, he takes all the documents and says, "And if Peres wins the elections, we'll release them all."

         "Now, I don't have to remind you that Rabin's name was not mentioned once in Labor's campaign and that Peres looked like a scary monster on the tv debate. But how could the election results be faked? We are going to leave you the name and phone number of a Tel Aviv law school PhD candidate. His thesis is on the '96 elections. He'll tell you."

          I arranged to meet the PhD lawyer-to-be at a very empty and remote Tel Aviv restaurant. We sat in the remotest table and he made his voice inaudible at a range of five meters, in fact he almost whispered the whole meeting. It turns out, it didn't help.

          "This Labor-Likud partnership destroyed over 160,000 votes for Peres, and replaced them with spoiled ballots."

          Back to the present. That's almost 5% of the vote spoiled. In the 2001 elections, there was a highly publicized campaign to deliberately spoil votes as a protest, and 'only' 61,000 were spoiled.

          "Think back to the election night. Peres is declared the winner by all the polls but refused to address and thank his crowd in Tel Aviv. But at midnight, a smiling Netanyahu addressed a half empty rally in Jerusalem promising them that by morning he will be Prime Minister. Then at 2 AM, the revolution in vote change appears out of nowhere. By the morning, Netanyahu wins. He knew the results were fixed."

          I added an obvious thought. "So the Likud's documents proved Peres murdered Rabin?"

          He gazed at the table and answered, "Is there another possibility?"

          The lawyer-to-be added, "I trust you. I have strong proof that the vote destruction was organized by Interior Minister Chaim Ramon. Contact me tomorrow and we'll meet again to see my thesis."

          The next day, he called me. "I got a phone call. We can't meet." I asked, "Do you mean today?" He replied, "I mean ever." He banged down for good and I don't recall his name.

But I told his story to audiences whenever I felt it was appropriate. The usual reaction was, "So why didn't Netanyahu use the documents to get rid of Peres and Labor for good?" The answer is Labor and Peres have enough information on Netanyahu to have made this a one election deal. That'll do until and if the whole story is ever told by someone who was there.

          Then, in Bet Shemesh in 2001, I told the story to a crowd of over 80 and one response hit the jackpot. The man added, "I was an election poll supervisor and when the polls closed, we took votes for Peres out of the boxes and burnt them out back. We replaced them with spoiled votes and resealed the boxes. I never understood who allowed this to happen, but I didn't want Peres elected so I played ball."

          As for story back-up, my Bet Shemesh organizer was David Morris. Another 80 people heard the truth about this man's polling station at the lecture. As for Sudri, I chose to expose him after he appeared at Peres' 80th birthday bash. I was protesting outside when he appeared. I told him, "How could you celebrate Peres? I know what you told me." He walked by, then turned around and shouted, "You're ruining the country."
     
end      

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